The current cycle of military, economic and political conflicts - in
short, the escalation of the class struggle - is a clear demonstration that
beyond the conjunctural indicators, the crisis of capitalism opened in 2008 is
far from being a bad record. The world economy does not take off, debt grew and
is 12% above 2009, whose main driver (of debt) is China with 47% of the world
total since 2007, according to the latest IMF report.
Today, among other elements, the world is going through a commercial war
with dumping measures, which began a few months ago in Washington with the
announcement of a unilateral imposition of heavy tariffs on the import of steel
(25%) and aluminum (10%) with in order to protect American industry. This is
nothing but a violent bid to gain part of the mass of surplus value that is not
realized as a result of the stagnation.
The rise of the interest rate of the FED goes in that direction, attracting
increasingly speculative capitals "gaseous" "- to the Yankee
economy, which does not take off due to the impossibility of carrying out its
own production, but which is supported by the serum of a new bubble, this time
not inflated on the real estate loans but on the interests of the financial
placements, hence the concept related to "gas", which some economists
use. This also aggravates the crisis in the dependent countries, since capital
migrates to the US closing the tap of external indebtedness for the third
world, which deepens the debacle in those economies, as was recently seen, with
different depth in Turkey, Argentina and Brazil.
The situation reveals that what underlies continues to be a colossal
crisis of overproduction of the cycles of capitalism, although in this case
with such a scope that it is unlikely to come out of it without the mass
destruction of huge productive forces, on an even larger scale than in the two
inter-imperialist wars of the twentieth century. This is the reason why Trump
encourages the war against Iran, unilaterally breaking the Pact 5 plus 1 built
between the imperialists and that country to guarantee the stabilization of the
region!
While the Yankees propose that perspective, allied to their Zionist lap
dogs, they negotiate with China through the pact between the two Koreas - to
concentrate their commercial and financial attacks against the Bundesbank
(Central Bank of Germany) which is the economic owner of the Union European
Union, with which the United States competes directly in the sense of
appropriating the share of surplus value that allows it to exit, albeit
momentarily, from the great crisis that began with the debacle of Lehman
Brothers in 2005.
The problem of the imperialists led by Trump is that they do not have
the workers and popular support they would need to go to war, since the masses
of that country are fed up with this type of adventure! The difference and what
worsens the prospects for capitalism, is that at the end of the last century,
with the fall of the so-called "Real Socialism" imperialism found
huge markets and large masses of (cheap) labor force product of the
proletarization of the population of China - and to a lesser extent of Russia -
which meant years of survival for a system that was already badly hurt in the
70s.
Today there are no new markets, the world is divided and the
intertwining of production is the largest in history. China, which is an
important imperialist country, also acts as a semi-colony, since the Europeans
and the Yankees have in their territory many of the most important industries,
from which they compete with each other for the world market and for winning
favors from the bureaucracy of the Chinese state.
In this context, and with the difficulties of imperialism to go on the
offensive in terms of a major war - such as the First or Second International
Struggle - in recent years a process of sharpening of the class struggle has
been developing. it created important mass experiences with forms of direct
democracy (popular assemblies and militias) as in areas of Syria and Kurdistan.
It is no coincidence that this is where the owners of the world have tried to
implement their most significant genocidal policies, through the supposed
"war against terrorism". Nor is it coincidental that in that
territory they have been fighting each other, through the proxies or third
party mercenary forces, different fractions of the empire, including the United
States itself, which was divided in relation to supporting or not ISIS.
Although in that region the class struggle already assumed the form of
civil war, pushing processes of struggle in the border countries (such as Iran,
Armenia, Palestine or Turkey) is no less open elsewhere, as was just expressed
in France during the great railway strike, in which its workers showed high
levels of consciousness and class solidarity. Not to mention the great
mobilizations and popular rebellions in Latin America, as in Nicaragua,
Venezuela or Argentina with its December 18!
It is that even if the crisis hits unevenly there is no country in the
world that escapes stagnation - and the consequent reaction of the mass
movement, which as a whole is in struggle - as we pointed out above, since
Capitalism desperately needs to destroy productive forces and reconfigure the
map of existing markets. The means to achieve this is war and the great
obstacle it encounters is the class struggle, through the resistance that
workers and peoples oppose, even within the US, which for decades has not
achieved consensus for its colonialist attacks. This situation is a wall for
the advance of the warmongering plans of imperialism, which have not achieved
for many years to rebuild a high "moral" combat among its troops,
within which deepens and extends the mercenary contribution.
Crisis in the base and in the heights
There are new elements at this juncture, because in addition to the
depth of economic stagnation from a few decades ago the world is being crossed
by a strong weakening of bourgeois institutions. The crisis that was openly
expressed as a crisis of governance in Greece or the rupture of bipartisanship
in Spain are part of this very important process, which gave rise to populisms
in Latin America and the arrival of Trump to the US government. The bourgeoisie
can no longer govern by the same channels as always, since the deep debacle
that crosses the political parties and the whole of the representative regime
includes the bureaucratic union (syndicates) structures, which historically have
constituted the main dam of the development of the revolutionary mobilization
and the socialist consciousness of the working class.
These dikes are those that break down giving rise to forms of assembly
organization or tools for direct democracy within which the masses deliberate,
decide and carry forward those decisions. These are, in short, advances of the
class struggle in the context of a revolutionary era, which, as we pointed out
above, develops unevenly throughout the planet. This is a clear sign that the
terminal debacle of capitalism implies the political exhaustion of its forms of
domination, which although historically were overcome by the victories of the
Paris Commune and the Soviet Revolution, it still persists due to the fact that
its material bases continue to exist , which makes the masses still deposit
some illusion and expectations in bourgeois democracy.
Despite the sinister role of the union (syndicates) bureaucracy and the
rest of the bourgeois institutions, the main tendency of the class struggle
goes in the direction of overcoming these pitfalls. This dynamic began to
materialize through the participatory process or "assembly" that runs
the world and its most advanced products: the emerging bodies of Soviet
characteristics, such as Syrian local councils, the popular assemblies of
Syrian Kurdistan or Rojava and the struggles of European workers, as now
happens with the comrades of France.
Necessity and historical opportunity
These conditions are, from our point of view, exceptionally favorable
for the development of a revolutionary movement, or in other words for the
construction of a new direction that will give a course to the growing mass
movement that crosses the world. This situation is assumed by the bourgeoisie
itself, which is already trying to build new traps for this possible
development. For that reason, exhausted the traditional options of the patronal
parties it is probable that as it happened in Latin America in the last decade,
the capitalists resort to progressive options or front populists, that in the
fund they can not represent (in the current conditions of the imperialism) no
real possibility of progress or satisfaction of the expectations of the masses.
A revolutionary current must carry out an open struggle against all
these options, which, if strengthened, will continue to lead the workers to the
dead end of bourgeois democracy. Taking into account this and that the
objective conditions for the socialist revolution are more than mature in the
whole world, we must promote the political and organic rupture with all these
bourgeois or petit bourgeois options. That implies, according to the particular
development of each region, the construction of revolutionary organizations
that promote class independence and the deepening of the assembly state to turn
it into a tool at the service of the revolutionary struggle.
We must win for this perspective currents, groups and parties coming
from different traditions if we appear presenting a hard fight against all the
enemies the organization, mobilization, struggle and independence of the
working class! There are struggles, it is true, but also a sector of the
working class waiting expectantly. We fight against capitalism and the
bourgeoisie because they are the main enemies of the working class, doing so
against all their political options, whether those that are presented more
blatantly - such as the Macri, Piñera, Temer and company - as the others in
which they appear raising false flags, such as the "Socialism of the 21st
Century" or projects through which they say they fight for the
reconstruction of a "serious and human capitalism", that drag the
opportunist left that has been transformed into a van of these projects.
All these alternatives do nothing but deepen the bonds of local
capitalism with its peers of foreign and imperialist capitalism, as in
Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela, Bolivia and the entire continent. On the
other hand, although it is not a "popular front" or direct agent of
the "national and popular" bourgeoisie, the centrist left constitutes
a stumbling block to advance toward class independence and the conquest of
power. As much as these groups carry out socialist propaganda, they boycott the
possibility that the working class will break the containment dikes of the
rotten union(syndicate) bureaucracy and their populist political bosses, since
they end up acting as left-wing advisers to the traitor leaders or as simple
apparatuses of pressure of these.
The refusal of this sector of the Argentine left to call a National
Assembly of Workers to discuss and resolve an Independent Struggle Plan is a
clear and forceful expression of a policy of adaptation to bourgeois democracy,
which runs counter to the events of the December 18, which demonstrated the
real possibilities of the left leading boldly anti-capitalist, workers and
popular resistance. The Women’s Strike, built in Argentina by an Assembly of
radical leftist organizations and feminists, is another expression of the
possibilities that exist to promote an own agenda of struggles that is a great
point of reference towards the mass movement, who is looking for a new
union(syndicate) and political direction!
We attach importance to Argentina not because of localism, but because
it constitutes one of the vanguard detachments of the class struggle, marking
the general tendency of the rest of the countries in the region in what
concerns the dialectical combination between objective and subjective factors.
Taking into account what happens there does not mean mechanically repeating the
policies we propose there, but taking advantage of its main teachings.
The revolutionaries and revolutionaries are facing a situation that can
mean a hinge in the class struggle in the world, forcing us to act with boldness
and confidence in the working class and our program, helping to realize the
historical mission of the proletariat, thus avoiding that the situation
culminates in new massacres ... Two hundred years after the birth of Karl Marx,
his slogans are more valid than ever: Socialism or Barbarism ... the
proletariat has nothing to lose, except its chains ... We have in exchange, a
whole world to win! .
(*) This text, approved in general, is subject to modifications, which
will be published when all the corrections arrive
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