The downfall of Bolsonaro and the impressionism of the left that believed to see the assumption of a fascist government

By Javier Miraglia 

According to the latest survey -published by Datafolha- 63% of those consulted consider the former military's management as "terrible", "bad" or "fair" and only 32% support what has been done so far by Jair Bolsonaro. If we take into account the first 100 days of government - of all the presidents since the end of the dictatorship in 1985 - Bolsonaro is the one with the worst image in that period of time. This situation happens after the carnival, when millions marched and danced mocking the head of the Brazilian executive! 

Splashed in its most closed environment, where his son is involved in several cases of corruption, has failed to establish a strong government, his party has failed to establish alliances in parliament and his cabinet has already received two casualties: The Minister of Education , Ricardo Vélez Rodríguez, and the president of the Environmental Institute, Suely Araújo. To make matters worse, when he tried to advance on state enterprises or threatened to "invade Venezuela", the very chief of the army put limits on him! 

The only minister who still has an important degree of approval, is former judge Sergio Moro, famous for having investigated corruption cases of the PT government. This is a symptom of the Brazilians' rejection of lulism, which is the main reason why Bolsonaro won the last presidential elections. 

Two of its main objectives in the framework of the adjustment initiated by Dilma Rousseff, will continue Michel Temer and that the former military seeks to deepen, have not been met. Neither the pension reform nor the labor reform could be carried out due to the hard resistance of the workers and the lack of political agreements at the top of the regime. With the issue of retirement funds, it has also been the military leaders who put up with objections, deepening the internal differences within the regime. 

In Brazil, unemployment continues to rise, reaching 12.4% in February, so Bolsonaro's promises vanish in the face of reality and the crisis that hits the powerful Brazilian economy. In this context, the warning cries of a supposed arrival of "fascism", which emitted much of the political arc, from the center to the revolutionary left, have only been lost in the air, since reality shows something else : A weaker and weaker president, with an increasingly weak government and an increasingly discredited political regime that loses authority in front of the mass movement, which is still fighting! 

From our organization, we warned about this situation and perspectives, before the elections, when a good part of Trotskyism and the rest of the local left -associated with the false characterization of the fascist character of the new government- ended up capitulating to the call of the PT, going to its tail directly or indirectly. Formally, they believed that the sole ideology of Bolsonaro, along with his victory at the polls, would be enough for Brazil to establish a regime similar to that imposed by Hitler or Mussolini, capable of giving a brutal defeat to the working class of the neighboring country. 

These organizations and personalities did not take into account the national and international context of the great crisis of the capitalist system and the great rise of the struggles, which come from defeating and expelling governments in Algeria and Sudan, and which have to mistreat that of Macron and others. in practically the whole world. Those same struggles were the ones that pushed Dilma and Temer into the abyss and, much faster than it seemed, they will end up with the government headed by the clown Jair Bolsonaro! 

For all this, it is necessary for the revolutionary left to stop positioning defensively, to go on the offensive, encouraging and encouraging the expansion of all fights against weak governments that seek to sustain regimes, as much or more flimsy, and throw more naphtha to the fire through its adjustment policies, repudiated by the majority. It will not be possible to transform oneself into the direction of revolutionary processes with timorous policies, much less capitulate them to the progressive or "national and popular" assumptions.

Home