The downfall of Bolsonaro and the impressionism of the left that believed to see the assumption of a fascist government

By Javier Miraglia 

According to the latest survey -published by Datafolha- 63% of those consulted consider the former military's management as "terrible", "bad" or "fair" and only 32% support what has been done so far by Jair Bolsonaro. If we take into account the first 100 days of government - of all the presidents since the end of the dictatorship in 1985 - Bolsonaro is the one with the worst image in that period of time. This situation happens after the carnival, when millions marched and danced mocking the head of the Brazilian executive! 

Splashed in its most closed environment, where his son is involved in several cases of corruption, has failed to establish a strong government, his party has failed to establish alliances in parliament and his cabinet has already received two casualties: The Minister of Education , Ricardo Vélez Rodríguez, and the president of the Environmental Institute, Suely Araújo. To make matters worse, when he tried to advance on state enterprises or threatened to "invade Venezuela", the very chief of the army put limits on him! 

The only minister who still has an important degree of approval, is former judge Sergio Moro, famous for having investigated corruption cases of the PT government. This is a symptom of the Brazilians' rejection of lulism, which is the main reason why Bolsonaro won the last presidential elections. 

Two of its main objectives in the framework of the adjustment initiated by Dilma Rousseff, will continue Michel Temer and that the former military seeks to deepen, have not been met. Neither the pension reform nor the labor reform could be carried out due to the hard resistance of the workers and the lack of political agreements at the top of the regime. With the issue of retirement funds, it has also been the military leaders who put up with objections, deepening the internal differences within the regime. 

In Brazil, unemployment continues to rise, reaching 12.4% in February, so Bolsonaro's promises vanish in the face of reality and the crisis that hits the powerful Brazilian economy. In this context, the warning cries of a supposed arrival of "fascism", which emitted much of the political arc, from the center to the revolutionary left, have only been lost in the air, since reality shows something else : A weaker and weaker president, with an increasingly weak government and an increasingly discredited political regime that loses authority in front of the mass movement, which is still fighting! 

From our organization, we warned about this situation and perspectives, before the elections, when a good part of Trotskyism and the rest of the local left -associated with the false characterization of the fascist character of the new government- ended up capitulating to the call of the PT, going to its tail directly or indirectly. Formally, they believed that the sole ideology of Bolsonaro, along with his victory at the polls, would be enough for Brazil to establish a regime similar to that imposed by Hitler or Mussolini, capable of giving a brutal defeat to the working class of the neighboring country. 

These organizations and personalities did not take into account the national and international context of the great crisis of the capitalist system and the great rise of the struggles, which come from defeating and expelling governments in Algeria and Sudan, and which have to mistreat that of Macron and others. in practically the whole world. Those same struggles were the ones that pushed Dilma and Temer into the abyss and, much faster than it seemed, they will end up with the government headed by the clown Jair Bolsonaro! 

For all this, it is necessary for the revolutionary left to stop positioning defensively, to go on the offensive, encouraging and encouraging the expansion of all fights against weak governments that seek to sustain regimes, as much or more flimsy, and throw more naphtha to the fire through its adjustment policies, repudiated by the majority. It will not be possible to transform oneself into the direction of revolutionary processes with timorous policies, much less capitulate them to the progressive or "national and popular" assumptions.

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Statement of the Central Committee of Socialist Laborers Party - SEP - about turkish elections

Laborers, Youth and Progressive People: 

By deciding to hold an early election hurriedly before the economic crisis crashes the workers, peasants and artisans, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has gathered the fruits of this move and achieved his main goal in the elections of 24th of June. 

On the other hand, despite the establishment of a great chauvinist blockade with Afrin, Kandil and Manbij military operations, the extreme right AKP-MHP coalition could not go beyond from the last year’s referendum. It is worth knowing that because the historical experiences shows us that the right wing parties which evaluating the “conquest “ atmosphere made great leaps all over the world. However, in Turkey, the total vote odd of AKP and MHP decreased from 61% to 52% since the election of 1th November. All resources of state, unilateral media power, state of emergecy conditions and oppression must also be taken into consideration. Nevertheless, AKP could only recover the job by its chores with thousands of tricks, as a reflection of the power of the resistance mechanism against to the one-man regime. 

On the other hand, the June 24th elections once again showed that there is no shortcut from the AKP dictation. Therefore, nobody can dreams that freedom will come easily, just by voting or by protecting the votes. We did have emphasized many times: Freedom wants labour, organization, and patience. Even a very small part of the millions who are saddened by the electoral victories of the AKP will make a difference in flow of life if they put their hands under the stone and participate in the disciplined work of organized fighting. It is neither realistic to expect a change without showing this self-sacrifice, nor a real “freedom” to come true in this way. These lands are supposed to produce a spirit of struggle and a fighter generation. 

During the June 24th elections, culture and identity politics continued to dominate politics. As a result, Erdoğan experiences and outburst of his votes in poor, uneducated neighbours. The Class Struggle is the key to open that lid. The inclusion of class radicalism and the establishment of a political consensus on these bases will ensure that the political preferences of poor and unorganized labourers change. This does not only mean that the AKP is not voted, it will also mean the organizing of the working class, and even the struggle for a very different life through awakening. 

The CHP has made intelligent moves at its own disposal to design bourgeois politics on 24 June. However, this political engineering was not enough as it was seen. The populist rhetoric of Muharrem İnce, who distributes beads for everyone, did not find a response to himself in the poor labouring regions, even if he created an sentiment for anti-AKP bases. Similar criticisms can be made for HDP. What is needed is a labourer’s spring. We have no choice but to work day and night for this spring.

On the one hand, the AKP and the MHP have formed a coalition government, while the country is on the verge of a major economic crisis. In this aspect, the raid election process and the result is a sign for Turkey’s return to 90s. The decrease on the votes of AKP to 42% and not reaching the majority in parliament will increase the power of MHP. This means that Erdoğan is in need of co-operation with the MHP, and when the country enters an economic crisis, the tensions between these two will lead to major problems for the Erdoğan. Therefore, Erdoğan’s new political system brings back the old-style coalition governments.

In the coming period, the AKP and Erdoğan will face great challenges in managing the country. The upcoming economic crisis will lead to significant reductions in labourers’ living standards. So the fight never ends and there are conditions to strengthen the fight in the coming period. Therefore, instead of being despondent, it is necessary to struggle, organize, and take the hit. We emphasize once more, we have only one solution: active, organized, socialist struggle! 

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26 and 27M, we did a great internationalist meeting

A view of the debate-talk organize after international meeting

By Damian Vekelo, FAR

On May 26 and 27 an international meeting was held, with the presence of revolutionary militants from Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and Uruguay. Driven by the FAS, with organizations that integrate the Internationalist Guevarist Coordination, the meeting meant a transcendent fact on the road to unite all of us who face imperialism (and capitalism) in this continent, starting from the principle that for the Marxists the Socialist revolution is national by its form, but international by its content.

The exchange between the participating comrades was very rich, of a deep theoretical and political content, in which the international situation and perspectives were deepened, coinciding fully with the character of the crisis of capitalism and the perspectives of development of the movement of masses. Around these points, there is a deep agreement that until now capitalism has not found a way out of the crisis that erupted in 2008 and this debacle has a political correlate, in a breakdown of traditional forms of domination, which manifests itself mainly in a crisis of the bourgeois democratic regime.

This context, which at the same time implies a huge pauperization of the working class, leads the workers and the broad oppressed masses to rebel, not only against their direct oppressors, but also against the institutions that, disguised as workers' organizations, function as containment dam to the development of the conscience and the independent organization of the workers, as the case of the bureaucratized unions(syndicates).

In contrast to the institutions that up to now guaranteed the domination of capital,  forms of direct democracy emerge in an embryonic form, all over the world, although unevenly, which are for us the germ of a new institutionality. In the particular case of the American continent, there are also great coincidences in the characterization of governments after the 2000 crisis, the options that emerge in the heat of large mass mobilizations that made the regime tremble in countries like Venezuela or Argentina.

Both the populisms and progressisms of all the coats and traditions (Chavism, WideFrontism, Kirchnerism), fulfilled the role of firefighters before the fire of the class struggle that toured this part of the world. Today these projects are in decline but even the bourgeoisie seeks to recycle them so that they can again be life saver of capitalism, that is why it is of crucial importance for the revolutionary left to clearly delimit the two fields and programs in conflict.

The fundamental contradiction is between capital and labor and it is of the utmost importance for revolutionaries to denounce the siren songs of national populism, in particular the one referenced with the Venezuelan Chavism, which after the banner of socialism has brought the worst misery to the workers and the people of Venezuela, in an unprecedented situation and many groups, especially in Argentina, claim as the way forward, seeking to beautify the role of the State, devising new deceptions to the masses to deposit their expectations in some bourgeois "National and popular".

A transcendent event

In a context of deep crisis of capitalism, the meeting and exchange between activists from different groups of the revolutionary internationalist left, is an event of great transcendence, in the process of sharpening the class struggle in the world, this is an important step to begin to coordinate actions and common campaigns against imperialism and its lackeys. 

The quality of the agreements reached, provides the basis to begin the path of regroupment of the revolutionaries who fight to end capitalism and build a society without exploiters or exploited, we have on our shoulders the vast experience of revolutions in the last century, with its advances and setbacks, but fundamentally we have the historical opportunity of the moment in which we live, in which the crisis of capitalism is the greatest of its history and the walls with which it is sustained are falling apart. 

This forces the revolutionary left to multiply efforts to rebuild an international leadership that contributes to the development of the struggle of the working class throughout the world. It is a steep and winding road but we have in our favor all the strength of history, this is the first step.

Read draft document of the internationalist meeting

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Imperialism, decadence and opportunities - Draft international document debated in latin american international meeting

Draft international document debated in the international meeting with comrades of Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina and Venezuela (Revolutionary Socialist Movement, Oriental Revolutionary Movement, Anticapitalist and Socialist Front - CS, PG and FAR - and Left Oposition Organization) (*)

The current cycle of military, economic and political conflicts - in short, the escalation of the class struggle - is a clear demonstration that beyond the conjunctural indicators, the crisis of capitalism opened in 2008 is far from being a bad record. The world economy does not take off, debt grew and is 12% above 2009, whose main driver (of debt) is China with 47% of the world total since 2007, according to the latest IMF report.

Today, among other elements, the world is going through a commercial war with dumping measures, which began a few months ago in Washington with the announcement of a unilateral imposition of heavy tariffs on the import of steel (25%) and aluminum (10%) with in order to protect American industry. This is nothing but a violent bid to gain part of the mass of surplus value that is not realized as a result of the stagnation.

The rise of the interest rate of the FED goes in that direction, attracting increasingly speculative capitals "gaseous" "- to the Yankee economy, which does not take off due to the impossibility of carrying out its own production, but which is supported by the serum of a new bubble, this time not inflated on the real estate loans but on the interests of the financial placements, hence the concept related to "gas", which some economists use. This also aggravates the crisis in the dependent countries, since capital migrates to the US closing the tap of external indebtedness for the third world, which deepens the debacle in those economies, as was recently seen, with different depth in Turkey, Argentina and Brazil.

The situation reveals that what underlies continues to be a colossal crisis of overproduction of the cycles of capitalism, although in this case with such a scope that it is unlikely to come out of it without the mass destruction of huge productive forces, on an even larger scale than in the two inter-imperialist wars of the twentieth century. This is the reason why Trump encourages the war against Iran, unilaterally breaking the Pact 5 plus 1 built between the imperialists and that country to guarantee the stabilization of the region!

While the Yankees propose that perspective, allied to their Zionist lap dogs, they negotiate with China through the pact between the two Koreas - to concentrate their commercial and financial attacks against the Bundesbank (Central Bank of Germany) which is the economic owner of the Union European Union, with which the United States competes directly in the sense of appropriating the share of surplus value that allows it to exit, albeit momentarily, from the great crisis that began with the debacle of Lehman Brothers in 2005.

The problem of the imperialists led by Trump is that they do not have the workers and popular support they would need to go to war, since the masses of that country are fed up with this type of adventure! The difference and what worsens the prospects for capitalism, is that at the end of the last century, with the fall of the so-called "Real Socialism" imperialism found huge markets and large masses of (cheap) labor force product of the proletarization of the population of China - and to a lesser extent of Russia - which meant years of survival for a system that was already badly hurt in the 70s.

Today there are no new markets, the world is divided and the intertwining of production is the largest in history. China, which is an important imperialist country, also acts as a semi-colony, since the Europeans and the Yankees have in their territory many of the most important industries, from which they compete with each other for the world market and for winning favors from the bureaucracy of the Chinese state.

In this context, and with the difficulties of imperialism to go on the offensive in terms of a major war - such as the First or Second International Struggle - in recent years a process of sharpening of the class struggle has been developing. it created important mass experiences with forms of direct democracy (popular assemblies and militias) as in areas of Syria and Kurdistan. It is no coincidence that this is where the owners of the world have tried to implement their most significant genocidal policies, through the supposed "war against terrorism". Nor is it coincidental that in that territory they have been fighting each other, through the proxies or third party mercenary forces, different fractions of the empire, including the United States itself, which was divided in relation to supporting or not ISIS.

Although in that region the class struggle already assumed the form of civil war, pushing processes of struggle in the border countries (such as Iran, Armenia, Palestine or Turkey) is no less open elsewhere, as was just expressed in France during the great railway strike, in which its workers showed high levels of consciousness and class solidarity. Not to mention the great mobilizations and popular rebellions in Latin America, as in Nicaragua, Venezuela or Argentina with its December 18!

It is that even if the crisis hits unevenly there is no country in the world that escapes stagnation - and the consequent reaction of the mass movement, which as a whole is in struggle - as we pointed out above, since Capitalism desperately needs to destroy productive forces and reconfigure the map of existing markets. The means to achieve this is war and the great obstacle it encounters is the class struggle, through the resistance that workers and peoples oppose, even within the US, which for decades has not achieved consensus for its colonialist attacks. This situation is a wall for the advance of the warmongering plans of imperialism, which have not achieved for many years to rebuild a high "moral" combat among its troops, within which deepens and extends the mercenary contribution. 

Crisis in the base and in the heights  

There are new elements at this juncture, because in addition to the depth of economic stagnation from a few decades ago the world is being crossed by a strong weakening of bourgeois institutions. The crisis that was openly expressed as a crisis of governance in Greece or the rupture of bipartisanship in Spain are part of this very important process, which gave rise to populisms in Latin America and the arrival of Trump to the US government. The bourgeoisie can no longer govern by the same channels as always, since the deep debacle that crosses the political parties and the whole of the representative regime includes the bureaucratic union (syndicates) structures, which historically have constituted the main dam of the development of the revolutionary mobilization and the socialist consciousness of the working class.

These dikes are those that break down giving rise to forms of assembly organization or tools for direct democracy within which the masses deliberate, decide and carry forward those decisions. These are, in short, advances of the class struggle in the context of a revolutionary era, which, as we pointed out above, develops unevenly throughout the planet. This is a clear sign that the terminal debacle of capitalism implies the political exhaustion of its forms of domination, which although historically were overcome by the victories of the Paris Commune and the Soviet Revolution, it still persists due to the fact that its material bases continue to exist , which makes the masses still deposit some illusion and expectations in bourgeois democracy.

Despite the sinister role of the union (syndicates) bureaucracy and the rest of the bourgeois institutions, the main tendency of the class struggle goes in the direction of overcoming these pitfalls. This dynamic began to materialize through the participatory process or "assembly" that runs the world and its most advanced products: the emerging bodies of Soviet characteristics, such as Syrian local councils, the popular assemblies of Syrian Kurdistan or Rojava and the struggles of European workers, as now happens with the comrades of France.

Necessity and historical opportunity  

These conditions are, from our point of view, exceptionally favorable for the development of a revolutionary movement, or in other words for the construction of a new direction that will give a course to the growing mass movement that crosses the world. This situation is assumed by the bourgeoisie itself, which is already trying to build new traps for this possible development. For that reason, exhausted the traditional options of the patronal parties it is probable that as it happened in Latin America in the last decade, the capitalists resort to progressive options or front populists, that in the fund they can not represent (in the current conditions of the imperialism) no real possibility of progress or satisfaction of the expectations of the masses.

A revolutionary current must carry out an open struggle against all these options, which, if strengthened, will continue to lead the workers to the dead end of bourgeois democracy. Taking into account this and that the objective conditions for the socialist revolution are more than mature in the whole world, we must promote the political and organic rupture with all these bourgeois or petit bourgeois options. That implies, according to the particular development of each region, the construction of revolutionary organizations that promote class independence and the deepening of the assembly state to turn it into a tool at the service of the revolutionary struggle.

We must win for this perspective currents, groups and parties coming from different traditions if we appear presenting a hard fight against all the enemies the organization, mobilization, struggle and independence of the working class! There are struggles, it is true, but also a sector of the working class waiting expectantly. We fight against capitalism and the bourgeoisie because they are the main enemies of the working class, doing so against all their political options, whether those that are presented more blatantly - such as the Macri, Piñera, Temer and company - as the others in which they appear raising false flags, such as the "Socialism of the 21st Century" or projects through which they say they fight for the reconstruction of a "serious and human capitalism", that drag the opportunist left that has been transformed into a van of these projects.

All these alternatives do nothing but deepen the bonds of local capitalism with its peers of foreign and imperialist capitalism, as in Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Venezuela, Bolivia and the entire continent. On the other hand, although it is not a "popular front" or direct agent of the "national and popular" bourgeoisie, the centrist left constitutes a stumbling block to advance toward class independence and the conquest of power. As much as these groups carry out socialist propaganda, they boycott the possibility that the working class will break the containment dikes of the rotten union(syndicate) bureaucracy and their populist political bosses, since they end up acting as left-wing advisers to the traitor leaders or as simple apparatuses of pressure of these.

The refusal of this sector of the Argentine left to call a National Assembly of Workers to discuss and resolve an Independent Struggle Plan is a clear and forceful expression of a policy of adaptation to bourgeois democracy, which runs counter to the events of the December 18, which demonstrated the real possibilities of the left leading boldly anti-capitalist, workers and popular resistance. The Women’s Strike, built in Argentina by an Assembly of radical leftist organizations and feminists, is another expression of the possibilities that exist to promote an own agenda of struggles that is a great point of reference towards the mass movement, who is looking for a new union(syndicate) and political direction!

We attach importance to Argentina not because of localism, but because it constitutes one of the vanguard detachments of the class struggle, marking the general tendency of the rest of the countries in the region in what concerns the dialectical combination between objective and subjective factors. Taking into account what happens there does not mean mechanically repeating the policies we propose there, but taking advantage of its main teachings.

The revolutionaries and revolutionaries are facing a situation that can mean a hinge in the class struggle in the world, forcing us to act with boldness and confidence in the working class and our program, helping to realize the historical mission of the proletariat, thus avoiding that the situation culminates in new massacres ... Two hundred years after the birth of Karl Marx, his slogans are more valid than ever: Socialism or Barbarism ... the proletariat has nothing to lose, except its chains ... We have in exchange, a whole world to win! . 

(*) This text, approved in general, is subject to modifications, which will be published when all the corrections arrive

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SEP Central Commitee: Statement on Turkish Snap Elections

When realized that the economy will hit the wall, AKP decided to hold a snap election. Despite Erdogan’s plan to catch the opposition parties napping, they rebounded. However, those who caught up the hop were the socialists.   As a result, when the country is preparing to hold an election, millions of laborer setting sight on political alternatives there is no socialist candidate who on the side of the historical interests of the working class. This is a loss! Presidential election is an opportunity to a revolutionary program would reach the laborers.

Socialists had to use this opportunity and show the difference. What we had to do was organizing an election campaign of a common candidate of the socialists.  What is true was already visible that some socialist organizations (those are not in HDP) had met and started discussions about a common candidate and building a campaign moths before the election was declared.  We, SEP (Socialist Laborers Party) , ÖDP, TİP, Halkevleri TKH and some other socialist organisations and parties participated the meetings but  the meetings were inconclusive: adjournment,, negligence, turfism, and old illnesses paralyzed the  process. 

Although SEP insisted on a campaign front and a common candidate, we could not achieve to force the main actors to take an action.  When we face with the raid election, the excuse was already there: “there is no time”. After Demirtaş declared his candidacy, discussions stopped. However, discussions should not end and whoever is responsible must be revealed. It is very clear that these awkward and unproductive socialist organisations are tap out! 

We suggested Ovacık’s successful popular socialist Major Fatih Maçoğlu as candidate. Ahmet Şık or some other person suggested by the others could be a candidate. What is important is the program, campaign and propaganda! We already started to prepare for the process. If socialists had achieved to set the ground, the only actor who had already prepared for the elections would be the socialists.

What is done is done. Under this circumstances, SEP calls critical and strategical vote for HDP. HDP should pass the election threshold in order to weaken AKP dictatorship.  As a consistent defender of democratic rights, Demirtaş deserves support.  On the other hand, laborers make it clear that construction of an independent socialist alternative is a necessity.

We should object to oppression over HDP and be in solidarity with Kurdish people. However, socialists must not be under political hegemony of HDP. HDP is a party in identity polarization as their political priority is the Kurdish question. Their agenda is not working class centered. Moreover, their ideological tendency is radical democracy that is nothing more than liberalism and world’s imperialist status quo. However, socialist radicalism based on working class political agenda is the only way to get rid of polarization in the society, gain support of the masses and give hope for another country and another world. 

One point must be clear: working class radicalization is the only way to out for left and to get rid of AKP dictatorship. Political divergence and polarizations on the base of identities should turn into divergence on class based. Political perspective should build on class antagonism. For this, a socialist force should raise. SEP is the only alternative for this. We call laborers and the youth to build up our party and make working class strong. 

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Moyano and trade union leaders dont want the general strike

Translated and published by SEP of Turkey

We share the article which is sent to our site on the latest developments of class struggle in Argentina by Juan Giglio, who struggles there from the organization of Convergencia Socialista. The great protest in the city of Buenos Aires on the past 21st February showed that the popular hatred towards the government and its politics has increased qualitatively.

Even if Hugo Moyano, who is the leader of Argentina’s largest union federation CGT, organized this action to defend himself for the corruption charges against him, hundreds of thousands of protestors has participated this great meeting not to support him but to defeat boss supporter, rightist president Macri, to give voice to their temper and action. Other union leaders accompanying to Moyano have shown that their problems with the Macri regime is not very rooted, just like Moyano.

The fact that the other union leaders in CGT, who oppose or are logrolling with Macri, accept the capitalist system reveals that the difference between them, in fact, is not so great. These names are intertwined with the capitalist circles and the other power groups. On the other hand, the historical Peronist tendency in trade union bureaucracy, as a reflection od the breakdown of Peronism, is divided on the attitude to be taken against Macri. Macri is also trying to subdue the union bosses through blackmailing and from there the contradiction between the power centers reveals.

At this point, the socialist organizations come to the forefront as the only sincere focus claiming the rights of laborers. On the other hand, the matter is making use of this situation. Even if all the socialist organizations participated to the public meeting of 21st February, they couldn’t present a very significant participation. It is hard to say that the advantageous situation brought by this great public meeting has been remunerated well. This massive demonstration could have been turned into an opportunity to raise the stress of a general strike.

The corteges of the other socialist organizations could not evoke their existence among the extensive participation of the union apparatus and the unemployed corteges led by Pope Francis. We are talking about a situation in which union bosses are quite pressed and challenged by general strike demands. On one hand a general strike demand from the labor side is increasing and on the other side they are under the pressure of the corruption investigation of Macri government.

On the other hand, this union leadership does not want to really struggle against the Macri government but wants to assure its position by negotiating with it. In this way, they also will not face with such annoying situations like the radical actions of the working class and the further strengthening of the socialists. Socialist organizations and the other combative components should not pull themselves down to the point of “pressure groups”. What must be done is being able to de facto leading for the resistances. In the significant conflicts of December 18, the socialists showed who the real alternative for the Macri government is.

In this experience, the laborers have seen to whom they can trust and that such an activism is both possible and necessary. Now, the socialists must organize Independent Workers Congress, plan and direct the struggle against the Macri government from there. Regional strike decisions, actions at industrial centers and blockages at the vital points of transportation networks can be led by this Congress. This is, of course, a difficult task, yet this is also the way to take advantage of the weak situation of the union apparatus.

There are real, good and concrete opportunities in front of us, at this moment. The tendency of the ones who is opponent to Macri in union apparatus is to be prepared the elections by bringing the pieces of Peronist together. Namely, they want to be strong, flush with cash and in the heart of power just as they used to be. On the other hand, Macri is not in strong position. People’s opposition has reached to serious extend.

The anger of the poor labors and the petty bourgeois becomes increasingly apparent. In football matches, huge crowds cheer as a whole against Macri at stadiums. Spectacular scenes emerge. In the end, the ruling class is weakening and the power balances between the classes are constantly progressing for the benefit of the working-class’ problem. On the other part, the actions coming to the fore as a result of the compression of the union bureaucracy are also important.

From these channels, class rage shows up itself and, just like it was on 18th December, it can turn into revolutionary explosions. Argentina evolves slowly but sure towards Argentinazo, like in 2001. Moreover, this time the organized working class is more radical and powerful, and the Marxist wing is so strong and in the fore ground that it cannot be compared to 2001.

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Latest report from Argentine (published by SEP of Turkey) - Comrades from Convergencia Socialista Summarized

Macri government has big problems, because economic datas are the worst of the last years. More and more workers, poor people and important segments of petty bourgeois are claiming against Macri's neoliberal politics. Besides main business owners, only bureaucratic trade union leaders and some bourgeois parties support Macri.

But the huge protests and clashes at December 18 against labor reform have split that weak alliance by pushing some of the main union leaders to the opposition, as Hugo Moyano, president of the truck drivers association. Meanwhile, most important fractions of Partido Peronista are talking about the possibility of unity in order to participate in the next presidential elections, in 2019.

Nowadays, Macri is trying to restart his offensive expelling workers and announcing that salaries negotiations (collective bargaining) will have a maximum 15% rise in the wages, when only the inflation of the last six months is greater than it.

Macri and their ministers, with mutual understanding of magistrates, are investigating funds of truck association and another trade unions, in order to defeat their leaders. Moyano, its president, also is one of the chief managers of “AFA” – National Football Federation – and owner of some enterprises related to transport business. Macri is extorting Moyano, but Moyano reacted to convocate a demonstration next February 21 and threatening with the general strike.

Most of the trade union leaders abandoned Moyano because blackmails coming from government. These bureaucrats have a lot of unclear businesses! But, teachers, state workers and left parties will be with Moyano on 21 February against government and claiming for the general strike. Macri and the establishment are worried, knowing that thousands in the streets is a big problem for the régime, thinking that situation is already bad for them.

Crisis inside bourgeois institutions and struggles push left and combatives organizations to unite in the action. That is the reason why MST, PTS, our party-Convergencia Socialista and the others – with activists of some significative struggles – convocated a meeting next Saturday to support the strikes, claim the general strike and organize independent actions.

It is the main necessity… left parties have to dispute workers consciousness tyying to lead the struggles, not appearing only for making pressure over the bureaucratic leaders. March will be a significative month, because salaries negotiations. Macri wants to impose less than 15%, but most of the working class is against this goal. We think there will be strikes, demonstrations and riots all around the country with the working class in the center of the political situation.

In the next months we have the chance to defeat the government with a new “Argentinazo”, the riot of 2001 which defeated former president, De la Rua. But, the next will be better than the previous one, because working class is much stronger. At the end of the 90s there were millions of workers without jobs, as unoccupied ones.

In that period, “Peronismo” and bureaucratic trade union leaders were strong, using their power as a big tool of containment, supporting capitalism as the last option. Nowadays, this bureaucratic strata is weaker than ever in its history. Socialist parties have been never such powerful than present time.

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